Interview. Jean-Guy Talmoni: “The time is certainly not of regret but of action”

  Interview.  Jean-Guy Talmoni:

The former president of the Corsican Assembly, who had not spoken for so long since the end of the territorial clap, resumed a broad speech during an interview for the first time, covering three omnipresent times, past present future. The worker speaks.

Kanak Louis Mapou was elected the first independence president of the Caledonian government since the Noumea Accord, the image you must have dreamed of. Could this day come to the island of Corsica?

There is obviously great news in our eyes. If we are not currently in Corsica in the order of freedom, this does not prevent us from paying attention to what is happening elsewhere. The events in Catalonia, the victory of the Scottish independence activists a few weeks ago, are certainly slower than desired, showing that the idea of ​​full and complete sovereignty of national independence has good days ahead. Including Corsica. I believe that in a few years this issue of independence will be at the center of public debate.

For your part, you no longer preside over the assembly, which has since continued to claim little of this power to perform functions reserved for the executive. Is the chair only doomed to protect the bicycle?

I can not believe it. I think the rhythm I wanted to give will remain intact. It will depend on the will of the people who will occupy it and especially the current President. I hope that there will be no turning back and I hope that the presidency of the Assembly will continue to be an essential function in balance with the executive body.

A complex bicephalism persists, perhaps even more so when the same is imputed to the majority. Isn’t a march missing with the advent of unique collectibles?

Personally, I am totally in favor of this kind of bicephalism. As I am for a collegiate Govt. It seems to me that complex institutions allow democracy to live without being unnecessarily complicated. Old US Constitution, dated from XVIIII century, showed all its perseverance on the occasion of the dissolution of a president for the less unusual. However, this constitution is made up of powers and checks and balances, checks and balances (To prevent each from abusing its privileges, US constituents have provided for a stricter division of powers between federal bodies and the federal states, editor’s note.) To use the Anglo-Saxon expression, made it possible to oppose the intrusion of this particular president.

The files – universal income, employment charter, zero jobless sector – that you held for six years have come up against the walls. How can Corsica no longer manage but govern, without the ability to legislate in critical sectors such as the economy?

This is the whole problem we have been asking for a very long time. At the end of the day, the somewhat specific argument in which it was held that one should not deal with institutional matters, but rather the concrete problems of the Corsican. Except that to tackle the concrete problems of the Corsican, we must aim for institutional development and greater powers, among other legislative ones. This has been demonstrated in a variety of cases. Even today this question remains unresolved. I think the demand for institutional development has to continue, which some call complete autonomy. To us, let’s be clear, this is above all a step towards independence, but it will be absolutely necessary for Corsica to achieve this autonomy in the coming years.

what horizon?

I’m not sure it’s quick when you need a suitable strategy to chase a target. With Corsica Libera, in this regard, we have reaffirmed a precise approach over the years in the framework of the previous election campaign. We requested for a more firm attitude towards Paris, without going back to the period before 2014. It is a question of mobilizing our union, allied and consular resources, of appealing to popular mobilization to force Paris to negotiate with Corsica. This strategy was not upheld, with the Corsicans preferring Femu a Corsica. I’m a Democrat, I take note of it. However, I do not believe that this strategy of systematic reconciliation pays off quickly.

In Europe, many islands have made progress in terms of autonomy while Corsica remains stable. Definitely incomprehensible?

This is explained by the French political culture we call Jacobin, centralization. And the fact that at the moment, Corsica has not put all its weight in this fight. Unfortunately, we run the risk of entering a period of institutional stagnation, unless there is a surprise, because nothing is written in politics. So far, there has been no notable change. Even if I am a pessimist in the short term, I am also optimistic in the long term, because I know that the stalemate and progress movements have followed each other over the decades. There will inevitably be a more positive start in a few years. Furthermore, even when one finds oneself in a period of stagnation, when it comes to event history—the surface of the present upon which historians Simiand and Braudel have reflected deeply—during this time , continues to work on the bowels of society. national idea. The cultural battle – we often quote Gramsci – is won out as soon as the mindset changes, outside of the event. When we were in opposition, and when things were looking a little frozen, we did the real work. The separatists were the main proponents of the national thought that took hold within Corsican society and led to the 2015 and 2017 election victories.

Looks like it’s January 18th, 2016 when you, along with Gilles Shimoni, go to the “friendly country” to meet Manuel Valls. Did nationalist legitimacy not ultimately lead to discussions with Paris?

In the weeks following the election of Emmanuel Macron, we realized that there was no desire to move on. The locking has been abolished that France, and history teaches us that it has never accepted the demands of the people under its protection without a balance of power. However, the balance of power is not just elections. It can be ignored.

The row to lead during the presidential election is played in ten months?

The victory of the Nationalists, in general, did not in any way influence Paris to open dialogue. I believe that the legitimacy that Corsicans give to nationalists today to have a more aggressive attitude should have been relied upon – and will do in the future. It would be very difficult to encourage the opening of a dialogue without implementing a number of means, including civil disobedience, by elected officials. But there will be a beginning.

Isn’t it difficult to demand more responsibilities when the island region depends in many areas on subsidies from France?

This is an old matter between Corsica and France, and for our part we had developed many arguments from accounts that belonged to the French administration itself. Within the pro-independence stream, we are convinced that Paris has never been a gift to Corsica, that the policies followed, from customs law to territorial continuity, have hindered the island’s economic development. When we claim as a fact that Corsica is like the dancers of France, it is a historical lie for us. As pro-independence activists, we will continue to advocate for full and complete sovereignty. And for a better well-being, also on a physical level, that freedom can bring to Corsica.


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