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There was a moment, in the 1920s, when a handful of the people of Pistoia province were absolute heroes of Italy’s history. I am referring to the events following the tragic kidnapping of the unitary socialist deputy Giacomo Mateoti, which took place on 10 June 1924 in the center of Rome on the Lungoteriv Arnaldo da Brescia.

During the criminal action, Matototi was brutally killed by the fascist team in connivance with the regime’s secret police, and his body was hidden in Machia della Quartartella, in a wooded area 25 km from the capital, Rio Municipality Was.

When the MP’s body was found by mistake a few weeks after the crime, the general outrage instigated by such heinous acts led to fascism faltering.

Mauro del Giudis, an inconsiderate and obstinate magistrate, immediately understood which direction to investigate. The investigation immediately led to Mussolini’s entry, led by Cesare Rossi from Pescia at the time. Rossi, coming from revolutionary syndicalism, had become the head of the personal secretariat of Deuce. And, by virtue of his role, the magistrate said “it was impossible that he knew nothing”.
Under pressure, Rossi acknowledged his innocence, writing a memorial in his own hand that, in those turbulent weeks, ‘jumped’ from desk to desk.

In practice, Dossier indirectly accused Mussolini of being a moral motivator of the crime. An actual bomb, which could have blown the young regime.
After coming to the hands of Tulano Benedetti, Uzzano’s benevolent vice-chief and noted monarch, the monument was eventually handed over to the Grand Master of the Grand Orient of Italy, DomĂ­rzio Torignieni, born July 19, 1876 in Lantorecio, where he lives in the Villa of San Bento Used to live in His summer vacation.
Torgiani found himself in possession of such burning material, asking his friend and brother Framasan Dino Phillips for advice, a Pistoye liberal who, after backing fascism at an anti-Bolshevik ceremony, realized his anti-democratic traits Hu had separated himself from it.

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Rosie, Benedetti, Philipson but above all Domizio Torriziani handled Italy’s fate in that tormented autumn of 1924.
In addition to the monument to Cicero Rossi, there was another, written by the editor of Corriereni Fonipo Filipelli, who gave logical support to the content writers, without knowing it, with the complexity of journalist and editor Filippo Naldi. Of crime
Both dossiers were then sent to Evano Bonomi by Dominio Torriziani, a unitary socialist leader who listened in court a lot.
Bonomi handed them over to the emperor, perhaps even telling his material to the press, as they soon became public.
Fascism, however, managed to be dissatisfied with this storm, and Mussolini vowed to make entirely those who did not try to pay their creature for it.

And first of all to suffer the consequences of the Deuce’s revenge intentions, it was Domizio Torriziani who, despite a thousand hardships in 1925, still ruled the fate of the Italian Freemasonry.
After graduating in law at the University of Pisa and the Masonic affiliation at Loggia Humanitas in Empoli, Giustini turned into legal activity, as well as political insurgency among the ranks of the Radical Party, which he joined. Of the National Secretariat.
A pro-secular advocate in politics, he did not hesitate to approve his party’s line, which had decided to leave a liberal government majority when news of the Gentiloni pact was leaked, which in practice paved the way for a large number of parliaments. Catholic

Also anti-Giolintiano and, above all for this reason, yet in front of Italy’s possible entry into World War I, Torziani was very lukewarm. Meanwhile, his climb to the top of Fremasonry was steadily fast, decisive and impenetrable.
His young age made him an outstanding candidate to succeed Ernesto Nathan, the former radical mayor of Rome, who had long held the reins of Italy’s Grand Orient. When Nathan resigned (leaving for the front at the tender age of 70), Torrigiani was immediately recognized as the new Grand Master of the Scottish Reit Fremasonry.

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He initially looked into the nascent fascist movement with a certain sympathy, while recommending the Masonic brothers not to take important positions in the new political body. However, unseen by nationalists and most agitating fascists, the Freemasonry began to be targeted already after the March of Rome. Some prominent exponents paid for it, including the aforementioned Pistoian lawyer Dino Phillips, who was the first to warn Torgiani about the invasion of fascism in an authoritarian sense.
Hence the climate around Fremasonry was becoming more and more stressful day by day, and there were many lodges in Italy that were attacked and destroyed by black-shirted thugs. The universal and liberal ideas advocated by Freemasonry could not be accepted by a movement that became a party that saw its main rival in democracy.
Facing the spread of violence, the Freemasonry decided not to react, thus aligning themselves with a large part of the Italian political world that was unfettered in front of a rival, then unbeatable with the sole weapons of political malice. .

However, Torgiani tried to save what could have been saved, trying to help his brothers spread the most hostility to fascism, and along with Lodges ‘allies as well as the Freemasons’ monetary assets Favored the transfer of lists abroad (especially in France). The situation worsened in the end, without the possibility of recalling it again, when a clumsy attempt was made by the political police to attack Deuce’s life at the last minute. Some of the reckless heroes of this failed atrocity were a general, General Luigi Capello and a deputy from the Unitary Socialist Party. Mattotti’s Clarification: Tito Zaniboni.
Ambitious and perhaps not very clear in his analysis of his conspiracy, Zaniboni took a one-room accommodation at Rome’s Hotel Dragon, right in front of Palazzo Chigi.
With a normally supplied by Austrian sniper rifle, a deputy from the Lower Po Valley had to end Mussolini’s life when he came within range.

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An information to the police stopped everything, sending both attackers to jail and prompting Torigni to leave Italy. Zaniboni was indeed a mason, and Torignini was pointed out as the moral motivation for the failed attack by the regime. After taking refuge for a period on the guest Cote d’Azur, one of the others of long-distance exile Luigi Campalongi, he had the moral right to return to Italy at the time of the trial of two unsuccessful bombers, who accused him of fair play, moreover, saw. Both were sentenced to 30 years, though Trigorini was acquitted.
The next day of sentencing, he was still picked up by the police, who took him to the special court.

He was sentenced to five years of imprisonment, while moreover he was forced to cancel the Italian Freemasonry on the basis of the new law, which dissolved all secret confederations.
The Palazzo Giustinani in Rome was captured by the Squadristi himself.
Lipari, Ponja and Montefascone were the stations of their secular through the cross.

Banned in imprisonment, he also had the strength to set up with other prisoners brothers, the Masonic Lodge Carlo Pisacane. Meanwhile, however, his health was leaving him, as was his vision.

It was his tragedies that allowed him to die in his beautiful family villa in San Bento. It was 30 August 1932, and even his last rites could not be held in peace, forbidden by competent authorities.

For his testimony in the ideals of democracy, Torgiani is remembered as a Grand Master martyr.

By Giancarlo Fioretti


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