Unlike the hero of today’s politics, Silvio Berlusconi knows the rules of communication very well: you have to wait yourself, possibly desired. The heroes of politics today are scoundrels in the media: they move from talk show to another, militarily capture the news, posting messages, photos and thoughts on social networks several times a day. The result is often communication redundancies, and hence the dynamics of consensus, the variability of electoral opinion, the instability of the political careers of leaders.
In the first republic also there was a rule of being desired. Christian Democrat leaders practiced communicative self-exile in the same way as Silvio Berlusconi. Then they too reappeared at the right time. Aldo Moro, after the defeat of the Congress, spread rumors of his withdrawal from politics, a subversive concept at the time of a lifetime parliamentary career; He was soon recalled to service to the admiration of the Christian Democrats, and that return may have cost him his life. Fanfani was also an expert in ambushes: he disappeared and was summoned, and sometimes became enraged if he was not called, so Montanelli baptized him ‘here he is again’.
Today Berlusconi is the ‘here again’ of Italian politics. His return has been called far from the restricted circle of Forza Italia, in fact – to be honest – Silvio’s protagonist in the blue constellation is feared by those who have obtained status income in the regions.
What will Berlusconi say tomorrow? It is difficult for him to declare what the whole world wants, namely the opening of a ray of peace, his reckless initiative towards his most disturbing friends, Putin. At the ‘Green is Popular’ congress, Berlusconi has already admitted that his phone was empty after dialing Vladimir’s number.
One cannot even expect a very clear discourse on national politics: this is not the time for choices, neither government nor elections. Perhaps Berlusconi will shut down Draghi until the end of the legislature, but he will introduce the strictly programmatic issues (taxation, justice) that have become the center-south government’s piway line.
Berlusconi certainly won’t be able to talk about the political question that certainly torments him: the future and centre-right of Forza Italia. Silvio can’t like this right-center: He doesn’t look like her. Despite the rumours, he doesn’t think about ‘Buen Retiro’ at all, at least after having tasted the popularity as a result of his candidacy for Quirinale and – above all – from the comparisons that everyone makes between his stature and that. of political workers roaming around.
Silvio’s problem is maximizing his profits, as always when he sits at the business table, politics, not gaming, to which – luckily for him – he is allergic. Berlusconi still has the vote of one Italian in ten, and – above all – the honour, as never before today, most of the other nine. You can spend this chip in three ways.
First: it can re-launch the center, making Phi the lucrative planet of satellite bushes, including center-left, broadcasting this operation in the direction of the signal of a new prime ministerial candidate (No matter his family, his party, or his Monasi guide).
Second: he may have supported Salvini, as some managers of Forza Italia and his companies played a consular role as a great father figure to the centre-right founder, negotiating with the head of the league.
Third: Berlusconi can also ‘jib’, as only he knows how to do, negating all prophecies and baptizing her the rising star of the Republic, whom he calls ‘Mrs. If so who can return Giorgina, as he called her in the good old days of her government, of which Meloni was a part.
I can’t predict which of the three Silvio will take the road. Also because all three see the toughest option for a leader, of all republics: trusting someone else.
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