DThat special session had already begun when a small military plane landed at London City Airport. This included a contract with signatures that were put on paper by the European Union Commission Chairman Ursula von der Leyen and the EU Council President Charles Michel that morning. A courier carried the document to Docking Street, where Boris Johnson was to sign – and then the queen – after a debate in both houses of parliament. The contract on future relations is due to come into force at 11am local time on this Thursday, and despite (and a slight) haste there was no doubt before this day that it would come out in exactly the same way.
Contrary to Theresa May’s attempts to compromise her exit from Parliament, there was no tension about Westminster on Wednesday. It was more like January, when Boris Johnson implemented his version of the Withdrawal Agreement almost regularly. Mass was read before the first MP spoke, and the debate in the House of Commons, scheduled for only five hours, seems to have been done. Damian Green, who was once a May deputy, called the debate time “laughable”. Others carelessly asked how this “nod” action was to be reconciled with the perceived new sovereignty of Parliament.
Scared moment for johnson
For a few days, Johnson had to worry – not about the majority, but about the unity of his group. The Erz-Brexiteers only wanted to announce their voting behavior after rumored through more than 1200 contract pages of a committee of constitutional lawyers. In good time before the special session, the verdict came: after careful examination, it was concluded that the treaty “legally protected the sovereignty of the United Kingdom”.
From that moment on, Johnson could proudly count an absolute majority on his own. For the other parties, it was no longer about strategic questions, but only about the type of entry in the history books.
Small opposition factions decided to reject it: the Northern Irish DUP because they criticized Northern Ireland’s new special status, Scottish nationalists, Liberal Democrats, the Welsh plaid Simru and the Greens because they never wanted to leave. Speaking for many in this group, LibDem president Ed Davey said “a deal that spends jobs, enhances bureaucracy, affects our service-based economy, weakens our police force And spoils the future of our youth. “
The main opposition faction took a different approach. Labor leader Keir Starr also criticized aspects of the agreement, notably the lack of regulations for the British service sector, but supported it. It was “the only deal for us”, he argued and used the moment to fill in the trenches – even in his own party. “The argument between ‘leave’ and ‘remain’ is over, no matter which side you are on,” Starr said.
“New Relations between Great Britain and the European Union”
Some people in his party saw it differently and refused to vote on the deal, but that did not change the whole picture. Starr is clearly striving to leave the Corbyn era behind and present his party – like himself – while supporting the state. Now there is an opportunity to “shape a new future” based on the agreement, he said, emphasizing “we will always be European”.
It was slightly different from the Prime Minister himself. Johnson urged lawmakers to “start a new chapter in our national history”. The agreement with the European Union allows Britain to gain “control over our laws and our national destiny”. He spoke of “new relations between Great Britain and the European Union as sovereign equals”. It is with friendship, business and common interests and values, “while the two sides respect each other’s freedom of action and acknowledge that we have nothing to fear if we sometimes do things differently Do from “.
From Johnson’s point of view, secession actually brings the two partners together: “At first we stood apart, then we became half-baked, at times resistant members of the European Union. Now, with this treaty, we’re friendly Will become neighbors – EU best friends and allies. “
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